For several weeks now, various public figures and sectors of the country have been mobilizing around the establishment of a structure to steer the transition, as the end of the Transitional Presidential Council’s (CPPT) term approaches. It seems that, apart from a small number of genuinely concerned stakeholders, throughout the inept interim regime, both branches of which are about to bow out, everything else has been in hibernation. But with the end of this transitional governance less than a month away, everyone is struggling to make headway, as they have not yet found reliable political vehicles for consensus to move forward.
Amid the persistent silence of the guardian countries and their substitutes, who are the “eminent personalities” of CARICOM, proposals abound. However, whatever Haitian actors of all stripes say and do, the final word belongs to the international community. Just as U.S. Chargé d’Affaires Henry Wooster was entrusted, on the sidelines of the UN General Assembly in New York last September, with reminding the nine-member CPT that its mandate ends on February 7, former Jamaican prime ministers have called on all parties to have no illusion about the upcoming transition.
In a statement released Friday, January 9, they reiterated that “the mandate of the Presidential Transition Council will end on February 7.” Even though these words come from an entity other than the leading figures in diplomacy, those who make the proclamation are the very ones who created this nine-member executive, and the departure of the multi-headed government bears the seal before the date. This is especially true since Jamaican actors are still facing the traditional obstacles observed in previous inter-Haitian negotiations.
Indeed, as in the past, the Group of Eminent Persons (GEP), responsible for overseeing the talks among Haitian stakeholders, has noted that the same slowness characterizes the current discussions. Faced with the urgency of the situation, Jamaica’s former heads of government have urged Haitians to act with greater diligence. The latter have been “authorized” by the CARICOM leaders to reach a “consensus” on an ideal formula for resolving the crisis before the February 7 deadline.
Following the initial opinion issued by the American diplomat stationed in Port-au-Prince on the sidelines of the United Nations General Assembly last September, followed now by that of the GEP, there is no reason to believe that the demobilization of Haitian leaders will go smoothly, especially since, in pursuit of their own interests, they aim only to work for their personal gain, ignoring, as always, those of the Haitian people.
Meanwhile, rumors of violence are coming from all sides. These rumors reflect the mood of a nation tired of the disastrous governance of its leaders, but especially of the CPT, which has fostered poor governance, characterized by extreme poverty, endemic unemployment, rampant hunger and collective expropriation. But even more so, there is the omnipresent and permanent insecurity caused by the grip of armed gangs on entire areas, especially on the capital, the Artibonite department and other regions of the country, due to collusion of the authorities with criminals.
It is, therefore, this latent popular anger that is reflected on a daily basis in repeated calls for the resignation of the entire government, all nine members of the CPT and Prime Minister Alix Didier Fils-Aimé. Someone even borrowed an expression from the late President Leslie Manigat, who was under threat of a coup d’état. He declared firmly: “Not a day more, not a day less.” He said he wanted to complete his “legal term of office.” No more, no less.
The April 21 (2024) Agreement set the mandate of the multi-headed executive to end on February 7. Undoubtedly, some members of the CPT and other senior officials of that transition fear possible legal proceedings once out of power. For the Gospel clearly states that “the wages of sin is death.” In our Creole language, one would say: “Ou manje lajan CHADA, fòk ou peye CHADA” (He who eats CHADA’s money must pay CHADA).
That is why, as February 7 approaches, the date on which the members of the nine-headed interim presidency and the bigwigs in power potentially will be dismissed, they don’t know who among them will have run-ins with the law — and which law?
Although the CPT is the creation of the international community, it is deluding itself about its survival beyond February 7, the members attempting to remain in office after that date. This is either to protect themselves against accusations of poor governance, particularly for corruption, embezzlement of public funds, or demands for bribes as a condition imposed on senior officials to keep their jobs.
In this regard, three presidential advisers have been implicated and declared liable to prosecution by the government’s Anti-Corruption Unit (ULCC). Yet they are still members of the CPT, benefiting from the solidarity of the six other members of this structure and enjoying the full range of lucrative benefits from their posts.
It should also be noted that, under the multi-headed interim presidency, accusations of corruption against ministers, directors-general, and other senior civil servants have multiplied, marking a dire phenomenon in the service of the people. Never has the civil service welcomed so many scoundrels. This is due to the fact that these officials find a favorable environment in which to thrive in the interim administrations — one would say to enrich themselves. And, as the saying goes, “The fish rots from the head down.”
When scoundrels proliferate within the state with impunity, such crimes multiply endlessly. This reality explains why political actors in Haiti are fighting tooth and nail to ensure that the interim presidency (whether president and prime minister or multi-headed presidency and prime minister) continues.
In this case, we can understand the sterile governance of the Interim Presidential Council, which is ignoring the roadmap entrusted to it by its creators, namely, to curb insecurity and organize elections. To get a fair idea of the deliberate and relevant nature of the nine-member provisional executive installed in Haiti, giving free rein to their maneuvers to remain in power, one could refer to the idea expressed by presidential adviser Fritz Alphonse Jean.
During an interview on a radio station in the capital, he presented the CPT’s failure to meet its obligations as a mere hiccup. He also stated that curbing insecurity and organizing general elections would be possible after February 7. However, he did not elaborate on who would be responsible for this.
The idea of remaining in power beyond February 7 is being seriously debated within the CPT. This is because another former coordinator of this structure has joined Fritz Alphonse Jean in making a similar statement. During a meeting with political parties on January 18, Leslie Voltaire announced that the presidential advisers would not be leaving office on the scheduled date. This is a complete reversal of his previous statement when he said they all shall be “illegals” after February 7.
For varied reasons, the CPT wants to hold on to power. But it remains to be seen whether those office holders have the means to achieve their ambitions. Although the creators of the CPT remain silent about how its departure will unfold on February 7, they are quietly working toward deciding on the form the next transition will take.
Although Haitian actors are sticking to their traditional strategy of consultations among political sectors aimed at reaching a consensus, this time the fate of the interim government seems to be playing out on American soil rather than in Jamaica.
In fact, in a communiqué addressed to the CPT coordinator, Laurent Saint-Cyr, but whose date had not yet been set, he and his colleague Leslie Voltaire were invited to a meeting to be held at Mar-a-Lago, the residential complex of U.S. President Donald J. Trump, located in Palm Beach, Florida. According to the document, this is a “Strategic Dialogue on the Appointment of the Haitian Prime Minister and the U.S.-Haiti Partnership.” The letter is signed by Dragos Sprinceana, whose title is “Political Advisor, Member of Mar-a-Lago.”
The document makes no mention of the diplomatic and political officials usually involved in affairs regarding Haiti. It also appears that Jamaica’s “Eminent Personalities” have been left out of the loop. This suggests that another kind of transition is underway, the nature of which is completely unknown to the current decision-makers.
As this date approaches rapidly, and the team in place says little or nothing about its departure on the seventh of February, it is, however, multiplying resolutions aimed at protecting its back in case it is really shown the door on the date scheduled for the end of its mandate.
To this end, two crucial decrees published by the CPT spell out its intention. These are the document on “defamation,” a legal instrument designed to muzzle the press and restrict its freedom, particularly that of investigative journalists and whistle-blowers. This is because the text in question criminalizes defamation. In addition, the CPT also issued a resolution on the protection of its members against legal proceedings. However, no one is talking about this text, and its fate remains unknown.
Despite the many steps taken by electoral advisers and decisions made to protect themselves against all eventualities, the CPT folks cannot predict how their term of office will end. But while everyone in Haiti is calling for their departure, Washington, for its part, is keeping quiet and acting mysteriously.
However, it is a safe bet that the CPT’s poor governance, combined with last-minute strategies, will only confirm the impending disaster. Faced with the uncertainty of what to expect, should the Haitian people take the situation in stride?
VOL. LVI, No. 1 New York